The Franco-Italian summit on June 25 in Antibes represents an important moment for relations between Paris and Rome. This meeting, established in the early 1980s, initially on an annual basis, has long made it possible to set a bilateral course, but also to provide remediation when files become problematic.
The last edition was held in Naples in February 2020, after the tensions of 2018-2019. In response, the signing of the Quirinal Treaty in November 2021 made it possible to establish a cooperation framework, inspired by the Franco-German system.
This idea, launched by Emmanuel Macron in 2017, then benefited from a strong convergence on the part of President Sergio Mattarella and the head of government Mario Draghi, convinced Europeanists. But since then, calendar priorities, the war in Ukraine in particular, as well as mutual distrust have paralyzed this mechanism.
Feeling of permanent rivalry
The bilateral report highlights the exchanges between Emmanuel Macron and Giorgia Meloni. The importance given to these personalities reinforces the aspects of ideological projection: on the French side, we tend to consider that the evolution of the Italian right would illustrate the scenario feared by some, desired by others, namely the access to power of a union of French rights led by the National Rally (RN).
Thus, Giorgia Meloni would illustrate a paradigm for Marine Le Pen’s party. This reading does not, however, correspond to the history of the Italian right, that of a tripartite coalition created by Silvio Berlusconi in 1994, but it structures a French vision which often considers that Italy constitutes a laboratory for European political developments, a questionable interpretation.
On the Italian side, the revival of nationalism, particularly noticeable in the 21st century, has rekindled a feeling of permanent rivalry with France, a phenomenon that was already observed at the end of the 19th century. Here again, this ideological representation contributes to amplifying the conflictuality of the relationship with Paris.
The Quirinal Treaty created a particularly useful institutional component for managing the importance of bilateral interests in the European framework. Since its entry into force in 2023, interministerial relations have progressed, with virtuous dynamics not only within foreign affairs, but also within defence, transport and industry. This in-depth work corresponds to the expectations of many actors who work daily in a bilateral cross-border context, reflecting the very strong integration of economic value chains.
Nationalisms do not mix
France and Italy are aligned when it comes to defending Ukraine or condemning the military intervention in Iraq and place their actions within the framework of the European Union. However, the national, even nationalist, aspects associated with the exercise of power push leaders to highlight their differences.
This dynamic, that of integration which intersects with a nationalist revival, appears to be both a paradoxical and structuring trend in current European political life, within which seemingly contradictory proposals thrive.
In the Franco-Italian case, however, we must not forget that themes of nationalist convergence, such as that of the “Latin sisters”, resulted in exacerbated opposition, reflecting a competition resulting from common demands (Latinity, Christianity). We must therefore be careful not to draw inspiration today from the illusions of the first half of the 20th century, forgetting that between France and Italy, nationalisms do not mix well.
The Pope’s pro-European agenda
It would be better to look forward to the future. The integration between France and Italy is embodied in an extremely significant way in the scientific and high technology sectors: we see, for example, the very large presence of Italian researchers within French scientific institutions.
This aspect is also symbolized by the joint visit that Emmanuel Macron and Giorgia Meloni will make, on the occasion of the bilateral summit, to the site of Thales Alenia Space, the Franco-Italian space gem, in Cannes.
Finally, let us keep in mind that, from Rome, Pope Leo XIV is rolling out an eminently political and openly pro-European agenda. His visit to Spain provided a recent illustration of this, as did the intervention of Italian President Sergio Mattarella during a recent conference in Venice, which without delay took up the terms of the encyclical Magnifica Humanitas as a source of inspiration for the Italian political line.
The bilateral summit in Antibes represents a fundamental exercise for the relationship between France and Italy, but we may also have to count on the Pope’s visit to France in September 2026 to contribute to the strengthening of European integration. An aspect which, in the French and Italian pre-electoral contexts, is far from trivial.
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