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Minerals in the DRC: “When security forces must protect production, workers become obstacles”

Minerals in the DRC: “When security forces must protect production, workers become obstacles”

admintyu57r46ytey by admintyu57r46ytey
June 17, 2026
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The United States, China and the United Arab Emirates recently signed major agreements to secure their access to the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) vast reserves of cobalt, copper, lithium, coltan and other minerals.

Other countries are considering similar agreements at a time when the DRC has become a hotspot in global competition for access to transition minerals (also called “critical minerals”), necessary for example for the manufacture of batteries for electric vehicles.

However, security remains a major concern as armed groups operate in the country’s main mining regions. The government is trying to respond to investors’ concerns by creating the Garde Minière, a new “paramilitary” force intended to “secure the entire mining chain”.

Yet without strong mechanisms for oversight, accountability and human rights protection, this new force risks becoming an additional source of abuse in a sector already marked by violence and impunity.

A welcome step forward

The threat is very real. The east of the country remains fragmented, with dozens of armed groups established in Ituri, North Kivu, South Kivu and elsewhere. Many of these groups finance their activities by controlling mines and transport routes, while profiting from illicit trade. Civilians often pay the price.

In North and South Kivu, the Rwandan-backed M23 committed abuses that may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity, as did Congolese army forces. In Ituri, the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), linked to the Islamic State, as well as militias such as Codeco and Zaire, have carried out deadly attacks, including against workers and mining facilities.

One of the central objectives of the Mining Guard is to replace the military forces currently deployed in mining areas, often accused of abuses against populations and illicit exploitation of mines, when they do not ensure the protection of companies. Their removal from mining sites would therefore constitute a welcome step forward – but one which will only reduce the risks if the new force does not repeat the abuses of the past.

Protection of populations as a priority

A unit capable of confronting the numerous armed groups in the DRC, many of which are firmly rooted in their territories, cannot be created ex nihilo. The Minier Guard will likely be formed from existing security forces or former combatants, all of whom have long been implicated in unlawful executions, torture, arbitrary detentions and other serious violations.

Making the protection of populations – and not just the security of production – a priority will be decisive for the success or failure of this initiative. When security forces are incentivized to protect production at all costs, local communities and workers become obstacles.

In Africa, Latin America and Asia, security arrangements linked to extractive industries have often been associated with violence.

This is why international standards require companies to exercise due diligence and avoid contributing to abuses in supply chains located in conflict zones. This diligence must include an independent verification program aimed at weeding out individuals, commanders and units with a history of abuse.

A strategic advantage

Mining in the DRC is not only an economic issue: it also constitutes a social and political fault line. Artisanal miners depend on mining sites to survive. Communities are demanding jobs, environmental protection and compensation for forced displacement. Conflicts are structural.

What will happen when communities refuse to leave land allocated to a concession, or when artisanal miners resist eviction or protest against pollution? If the new unit’s mission is simply to ensure the continuity of extraction without disruption, abuses are almost inevitable.

For this initiative to succeed, it must start with transparency: we must clarify who finances this force, who commands it and who supervises it. It must include a real verification process at all hierarchical levels, even if this slows down its implementation.

It must also provide for rigorous and ongoing human rights training, as well as clear rules on the use of force, supported by credible and effectively enforced accountability mechanisms.

If done well, this approach does not constitute a constraint but a strategic advantage: a force respectful of human rights and subject to accountability mechanisms can build confidence, reduce conflict and demonstrate a commitment to stability and the rule of law.

About opinions

This text is signed by a guest author. He expresses his opinion and not that of the editorial staff. Our Live section aims to allow the expression of pluralism on religious, social and current affairs subjects, and to encourage dialogue, according to the criteria set by our editorial charter.

Share your opinion in comments or by writing to us at: readers.lacroix@groupebayard.com

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